Friday, February 28, 2020

Parallel worlds

Savanna Courtyard is in Area 3, a neighbourhood predominantly occupied by the upper-middle class and moderately wealthy. The Lilongwe Golf Course is less than a kilometre away. The nearby shopping mall is not that different from an older street-facing mall back home: grocery store, hardware and appliances store, mobile phone outlet, meat market, optometrist, etc.

A tailor shop up the street from Savanna Courtyard

Just past the shopping mall, though, is something very unlike anything I've experienced in North America — a roadside maze of ramshackle wooden stalls where people sell a vast array of produce, chickens, home-made mops, hardware, and second-hand clothing. One Saturday early in my stay here, I wandered into it in search of produce, took a wrong turn and found myself in a residential area which until then I didn’t even know existed – tiny, weather-worn one-room concrete or brick homes with corrugated metal roofs, no water or sanitation services, tightly packed together and only accessible by footpaths.

While wealthy people like me spend most of our days in offices, homes, cars, and gated gardens and restaurants, poorer people spend most of their days outside working as guards, gardeners, farmers, or vendors. Business is conducted along the roadside at wooden stalls and tables, or from a mat on the ground; people cook outside over small charcoal stoves, ziwaya, barbecues, or open fires; and women do their laundry at the river, or in a big plastic bucket outside their homes.

Breakout meeting during a community scorecard exercise

There are no public parks in Lilongwe, although there are many private ones, rented for weddings and other social functions. I’m fortunate enough to have Havalah Park (searchable on Google Maps) right across from the CSONA office where, at the invitation of the couple who own it, I take my lunch break each day. It’s rare to have this luxury, and I don’t take it for granted.

My lunch spot in Havalah Garden

Although there are seasons here – a rainy season (December to April), a cold season (June to August), and a hot, dry season (September to November) – overall, the weather is incredibly consistent, and rarely a topic of conversation. Sometimes I think about saying to someone, “Isn’t it a lovely evening?” or morning or whatever, but then I remember that pretty much every evening, morning, day, and night is just as lovely.

Nights and mornings are cold in the cold season, but daytime temperatures are in the low 20s (Celcius). The hot season is very hot and dry; trees lose their leaves, and the landscape becomes bleaker and more barren. Daytime temperatures rise in the mid to high 30s. This is the best time of year to see wildlife, as there is so little foliage, and animals come to the larger water sources to drink. With the rain’s arrival, everything becomes lush and green again; newly planted crops sprout and flourish.

"Hunger"

Ironically, this is also the season in which there is the most hunger, as food supplies from the last harvest diminish, and people wait for the maize to mature. This is the cost of having become so reliant – as are most other sub-Saharan African countries – on a single crop.

Not that it’s difficult to grow things – that is, with enough water, the biggest challenge for farmers here. Early in my stay, I bought arugula and kale seeds and made a garden in the grassy plot outside my door, where an earlier resident had established two clumps of parsley. A few weeks after I added compost from the large pit tucked behind our flats, numerous tomatoes spontaneously sprouted – so many that I dug up most of the seedlings and gave them to the gardener, maintenance man, and the guards. Greens are only MK100-200 a bunch, depending on the variety ($0.18-0.36), and a bucket of tomatoes -- probably 3 or 4 dozen – only costs MK1,500-2,000 ($2.70-3.60). That doesn't provide much motivation to grow them myself, but I get a lot of pleasure from my tiny plot.

Dirt for sale on the street beside Savanna Courtyard

My tiny garden also gives me a small sense of connection with my colleagues, who almost all have farms or large gardens. One young guide at a wilderness reserve asked me whether most people in Canada were farmers, as they are here. When I told him very few of them were, he asked how people got their food. “Do companies just bring it to them?” My immediate impulse was to say, “No,” but on reflection, I realize that’s pretty much how it works.

Cattle being herded to the slaughterhouse, as seen en route to work one morning

Just as I find things strange and interesting that are very normal for people here, so much about how we North Americans do things seems strange or even bizarre to a Malawian. During the lunch break of a CSONA workshop, the executive director of one of CSONA's member organizations asked me where my parents were buried. I think he found my description of cremation and having their ashes in different locations slightly disturbing. He told me that here people know where their family land is by where their grandparents are buried. The implicit questions that raised about how or whether I know where my family is rooted remained unanswered.

Zitenje drying in the backyard of a well-to-do village home

I read an article recently in which the author was refuting “information processing” theories of human cognition. One of the author’s arguments is that our brains don’t store memories literally, as computer systems do. Not only do we not have literal and exact memories of events and things, but different cells and areas of our brains are activated even when we try to recall the same experiences. He argues that “a snapshot of the brain’s current state might be meaningless unless we knew the entire life history of that brain’s owner – perhaps even about the social context in which he or she was raised.”

Reading that took me aback. As much as I’ve known that my perspective is different from someone who has always lived in Malawi, reading that really made me consider HOW different, and appreciate once more that there are very few similarities in our experiences that I can take for granted.

Newspaper cartoons posted at the library

Copyright © 2020 Lynn Thorsell, All rights reserved.

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Please note that the views expressed here are mine alone, and do not necessarily reflect the views of Cuso International.

Sunday, February 23, 2020

How language shapes a mind

Cuso volunteers with Shupe, our Chichewa teacher (wearing red)

For eight months, three of the other volunteers and I took Chichewa classes with a wonderful woman named Shupe (shoo'-pay). It’s the first time I’ve studied a non-European language, and for a long time, I felt very frustrated by how different it is, and struggled to grasp the basic grammatical rules.

In Chichewa, as in other Bantu languages, the formation of almost every word in a sentence is dependent on what the subject and object of the sentence are. There are all kinds of suffixes, prefixes, and infixes that have to be combined to say anything. It’s not even possible to count without knowing what it is that you’re counting, because there’s a prefix that’s related to the class of the noun being counted that goes before the number suffix.

For example, the word for “three” referring to people, (atatu) is different from most of the ways to say “three” to refer to different types of things (zitatu, itatu, or titatu), and it could be highly disrespectful to confuse those (although I've found Malawians to be exceptionally forgiving). Also, the prefixes used for only one person or one thing are different than those used for more than one, so the words for one are m’modzi, chimodzi, limodzi, or kamodzi. Those same prefixes, or variations of them, are used for any adjective.

Plurals are also formed by either adding a prefix or changing the first syllable of a word: Tamati (tomato) becomes matimati (tomatoes), mwana (child) becomes ana (children), and chipewa (hat) become zipewa (hats).

A typical mural on the wall of a meeting room: "Commitment to the development of the project"

Conjugating verbs is also very different. An infix is added to indicate when the action took place (past, recent past, present, habitual, near future, or future), but in addition to that there are also prefixes, infixes, and suffixes to indicate who is performing the action, and to whom or what that action is being done.

At the simpler end of the spectrum, “Tionana” means “we will see each other”, and is a common parting remark. “Ti-” = we, “-ona-“ = see, “-na” = each other, and the absence of a specific tense infix indicates that the speaker is referring to the near future.

At the more complex end of the spectrum,“Munandithandiza” means “You helped me.” “Mu-” = you, “-na-” = past tense, “-ndi-“ = me, “-thandiza” = help.

"Ndidzakuthandizani" means "I will help you." "Ndi-" = "I", "-dza- is the future tense, "ku-" = "you", "thandiza" is "help", and the "-ni" at the end makes this a polite "you", rather than an intimate or very informal "you".

Playing "This little piggy" with some village children

Although gender roles are very clearly demarcated in Chewa culture, all pronouns in Chichewa are gender-neutral. Consequently, when many native Malawians speak or write in English, they often use the wrong gender pronoun, referring to a daughter as "him", or writing "John and her wife Esther." I realize how salient gender is to me when that happens and I feel momentarily disoriented. I had assumed every language would make the same clear distinctions between male and female that English does.

In fact, not only the gender but the number of people being referred to is often ambiguous, because to speak about someone respectfully in Chichewa, one always uses the plural. People only use the singular version of a pronoun or person-word to refer to children, intimate friends, or people unworthy of respect. People even use the more formal terms of address for their spouses. I felt very proud of myself one day when I unintentionally slighted a vendor on the street, and was able to understand from the singular pronoun he shouted after me that I was receiving an insult.

I had also assumed that how we define family relationships would be the same — but of course it's not. Depending on whether one's culture is matrilineal or patrilineal, the children of either one's mother's sisters or father's brothers are also one's brothers (achemwene) and sisters (achimwale). A maternal aunt or stepmother (in some cultures, a man may have multiple wives) is called younger mother (amai a'angono) or older mother (amai a'akulu). Similarly, a paternal uncle is younger father (abambo a'angono) or older father (abambo a'akulu). Other aunts and uncles are azakali and amalune respectively. Aunts and uncles by marriage are all apongozi, the same term used for mothers-, fathers-, daughters-, or sons-in-law. Sisters- and brothers-in-law are alumu, and grandparents are agogo.

An interesting insight into language and division of labour

Another interesting difference is that except for black, white, and red, colours are not single words, but the phrase, “to be seen like” (kuoneka ngati) followed by something of that colour: the sky, leaves, ash, the sun (kumyamba, masamba, pulusa, dzuwa). As efficient as it is to have one word for a colour, metaphor and association do create much more meaning and emotion.

When counting in Chichewa, numbers greater than five are composites. seven is expressed as "five with two" (zisanu ndi ziwiri, and variations of that); seventeen is "ten with five with two" or khumi ndi zisanu ndi ziwiri. Needing so many words to express larger numbers suggests that people here may not have needed to use those often. Do you really need more that five cows? And if you have a lot more of them, is it enough to just know that?

Gule Wankulu ("Big Dance"), an integral part of traditional Chewa village life

Once Chichewa started to make more sense to me, I became able to recognize some ways in which it’s clearer and easier than English, and also how differences in language reflect the differences in culture. These longer phrases for colours and numbers to me reflect the slower pace at which people communicate with each other, taking their time to have a conversation rather than just a transaction. Learning these words, I recognize how thoroughly I’ve been trained to be efficient and time-oriented to the detriment of creativity, poetry, and relationship.

Efficiency and time-orientation do have their value, of course. These days, the English words for colours and numbers have been adopted into the Chichewa language, and even people who know no other English use these. This makes communicating in the marketplace much easier.

With one of the other volunteers and Shupe in front of a colourful building in the nearby market

Another way in which I see language reflect culture is how the verb and sentence structures speak to the interrelationships between things. Culturally, everything is about what family, village, tribe, etc. someone comes from, what religion they belong to, how they fit into the mosaic of things. The first questions people ask when meeting me are, "Where do you come from?" and "Where is your family?" People's relationship with land and environment is also more intimate. Almost everyone here is a farmer; even middle-class professionals in Lilongwe have plots of land on which they grow at least some food.

The relational perspective in Chichewa seems much more accurate, since we are indeed all part of our environments, cultures, families, etc. – but it’s a huge leap for my brain. Nothing and no one is separate or individual, as I’ve grown up thinking about things.

"Kalibu?" The guards inviting me to eat nsima, greens, and stewed soy and tomatoes with them as I enter our courtyard

Copyright © 2020 Lynn Thorsell, All rights reserved.

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Please note that the views expressed here are mine alone, and do not necessarily reflect the views of Cuso International.